Los inmigrantes en la ciudad
Main · Videos; Dilbert internet dating in uk · reddit polyamory dating search · red flags of dating someone going · concepto de multiculturalismo yahoo dating. Dirección electrónica: [email protected] .. and Jacaltenango that allows both communities of Jacaltecs to be up to date with events in both cities. .. Negociando el concepto de familia en el espacio transnacional y el tiempo", . Es coautora de "Guatemalans in the United States", en Multicultural America. En cuanto al concepto de etnia se basa en la percepción de las diferencias .. la multiculturalidad, hacia la integración y la formación de una sociedad plural.
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In real time through Skype. Online Dating Site - FreeDateMate is Bendigo dating service for all singles of the world to find love, romance, friendship and marriage. FreeDateMate is the free. Some researchers claim that the extended absence of men increases the empowerment of women because men are not physically present for the day to day decision making.
Additionally, monetary remittances play a key role in the improvement of women's economic circumstances; which in turn may enable women to move more freely in society and possibly to be more respected in their communities. As Peggy Levitt Social remittances are communicated when immigrants visit their home communities, or contact them over the phone, or through letters or videos, etc.
Concepts of gender equality or educational practices are views that immigrants might transmit to their communities and such views can influence gender relations and may deconstruct preconceived notions of gender. For example, in the United States education is equally accessible and compulsory for boys and girls while in some Guatemalan towns it is not uncommon for boys to be educationally favored over girls.
Social remittances come into play when migrants become used to these everyday realities of gender in the United States and their new attitudes and opinions are transmitted via communication with their home communities.
At the opposite end of the spectrum, other studies conclude that migration does not positively alter women's roles in the sending communities and in fact, the separation of families sometimes increases women's subordination to men Rosas, According to these authors, women are often excluded from work opportunities and networks of information and therefore are unlikely to be able to enjoy the degree of independence implied in some studies.
While our interviews were designed to explore numerous topics related to gender, power and spousal relations, we quickly found that transnational gossip was among the most influential, frequently-cited negative aspects of the migration experience.
Gossip was an important type of international communication that deeply affected the women in Jacaltenango and restricted their behavior. Our own interviews confirm the key role gossip plays in the lives of women in migrant-sending communities.
Our findings lean toward the more pessimistic interpretation of the impact of migration on gender relations, with gossip as a causal mechanism. Most of the Jacaltec women with whom we spoke did not frame the migration of their spouses in terms of autonomy versus subordination, empowerment versus domination, or in general terms of monetary control and household decision-making. Rather, their interviews reflected a general sense of the fundamental ambiguity of the effects of transnational migration on their lives.
The primary negative terms in which women expressed this ambiguity had to do with physical and mental health symptoms precipitated by distance from their spouse and the impact of transnational gossip.
In order to evaluate these findings, we have to understand the context in which the interviews took place. Gender Relations in Jacaltenango The primary data for this study was collected in individual and group qualitative interviews conducted in Jacaltenango in June and in earlier interviews conducted in Jupiter. Although it is clear that each interviewee is unique and should not be used as the basis for strict generalizations, the qualitative interviews yielded various useful insights that have been overlooked in larger quantitative and even qualitative studies of migration and gender.
Jacaltenango is located in Huehuetenango, in the northwest highlands of Guatemala. The main economic activity in Jacaltenango is agriculture. The predominant household was a traditional ranch built out of adobe, sometimes wood, dirt floors, with little or no internal divisions.
Many Jacaltecs live below the poverty line of less than one US dollar per day Funcede, Since the early s, Jacaltenango's infrastructure has been steadily improving: Despite these changes, Jacaltenango continues to be an agricultural-based, rural and indigenous territory typical of many of the highland communities of Guatemala. Guatemalan society in general, including Maya sectors, tends to be highly patriarchal Garrard-Burnett, Colonial legacies of social structure and gender relations are still visible in Guatemala.
As many historians have recorded, in colonial Guatemala and Latin America, men headed their families and were in control of finances Bradford and Charlip, Maya perceptions of gender relations are a combination of Maya traditions and Maya interaction with Spaniards during and after the colonial period La Farge and Byers, Migration has long been a part of the life of the Maya in Huehuetenango Camus, However, the kind of transnational migration that the highland Maya engage in today is fundamentally different from that which took them to Guatemala's coastal regions for over the past century.
The primary difference is that entire families used to migrate together, whereas now it is mostly young men traveling alone Piedrasanta, In the past, the Maya traveled from the Guatemalan highlands to the coast to work seasonally picking coffee Piedrasanta, This kind of migration to the south was temporary, lasting only for the duration of the coffee-picking season.
Today, migration is still prevalent in Jacaltenango, but most migrants travel north to the United States instead of seasonally, and most Jacaltecos migrate to work in the service industry while only a small percentage work in agriculture, as was the case when migration was primarily internal.
Migration patterns changed due to many factors, including the internal conflict in Guatemala, new destinations and networks forged by communities in exile, and growing demand in construction, landscaping and other service-industry jobs in the U. Since the early s, Jacaltenango has experienced a large out-flow of young men, and consequentially, many wives, mothers and sisters have become the de facto heads of their households. Jupiter, Florida is among a handful of Jacaltec enclave communities in the U.
The same network that connects Jupiter, Florida to Jacaltenango is the network that facilitates the transfer of gossip between the two towns. The city of Jupiter is a popular destination for many Jacaltecs. Jupiter is a city of approximately 50 located on the east coast of south Florida.
InJupiter and Jacaltenango signed a "sister-cities" agreement that promotes educational and cultural exchange between both cities. Additionally, Jacaltec immigrants maintain close relationships with their families and communities in Guatemala, which increases the transnational connection between both cities.
Jacaltecs in Jupiter are in constant communication with their town; most have cell phones and also use mail, e-mail, videos and audio cassettes to communicate with their relatives and friends. There is also a radio station that is aired on am waves in both Jupiter and Jacaltenango that allows both communities of Jacaltecs to be up to date with events in both cities. Due largely to the bond between Jupiter and Jacaltenango, the men in Jupiter are well-informed of the daily activities of their wives.
Like the women in the Mexican community Torres studied, women in Jacaltenango live in fear of their husbands' hearing gossip about their poor behavior, infidelity or problems with the children see also Rosas, The interviews we had previously conducted with the Jacaltecs of Jupiter corroborate these fears. In an earlier set of interviews of Guatemalan migrants living in Jupiter, we discovered that men often feel unsure of how women will spend their money.
Our male respondents explained that many women think it is easy to make money in the U.
A frequent assumption among those interviewed was that "the women will throw lavish parties and invite everyone they know, just for reasons of prestige" Canache, Women in Jacaltenango are keenly aware of these perceptions, and do everything possible to lead a life that leaves no doubt in everyone else's minds that they are being responsible and loyal.
The Voices of Jacaltec Women: Insights from the Interviews The transfer of transnational gossip is rapid and moves both ways. As Laura, one of our respondents described: All of our interviewees were very attuned and aware of transnational gossip and what it meant in their daily lives. The social pressures imposed by seemingly innocent conversations play a central role in how women's lives change with their spouse's migration.
Carmen explains this process: Women whose husbands are in the U. Everybody likes talking about you, about how unfaithful and spendthrift you are. About how you always misspend the hard earned money your husband sends you from abroad and about how you don't appreciate their hard work. As soon as you leave your house people are looking at you, noticing every step you take.
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However, they do not notice that you are building a house and raising a child; instead they always say you are misspending money Carmen, Jacaltenango, June As Carmen notes, neighbors and family friends are constantly keeping an eye on the de facto single mother. The community in Jacaltenango fit the pattern described by Rosasas they are quick to talk about women whose spouses are living abroad.
A study by Kavita Datta and Cathy McIlwaine found that women who head households in Guatemala remain subject to societal disapproval and marginalization. Datta and McIlwaine This purported "inability" of women to bring up their children adds to the social stigma associated with female headed households.
Although the women we interviewed are not "single", they are still subject to this type of disapproval because their husbands are absent.
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Given the degree of patriarchy prevalent in Jacaltenango, gendered expectations for women's behavior and general distrust of female-headed households in the field location we studied, it should come as little surprise that transnational gossip is likely to interact with such a context in a manner that severely circumscribes the activities and participation of women in the public sphere. Because women are dependent on the remittances that are being sent by their migrant husbands, gossip about sexual promiscuity that can ruin their marriage also poses a threat to their survival because it may cause their husbands to stop the flow of remittances as a response.
One of our respondents explains this anxiety and the impact it has on her social participation: When men leave one is always afraid of gossip. Because when they [our husbands] are far away, people start telling them things about what you are or are not doing.
I am so afraid that my husband will hear a rumor" Lupe, Jacaltenango, June The widespread aversion to parties and events we found among our respondents has complex causes. Many forms of transnational communication that may appear neutral on the surface hold hidden dangers for participants.
Images of loved ones are powerful and easily taken out of context and distorted. Anita, a mother of two whose husband has been away for five years explains: There is a problem here, when there is a party or festival the first thing people do is film it.
They film it and later send the video to our husbands in Jupiter. This sometimes creates conflicts, say sometimes you are just dancing and they start saying things that are not true just because you were dancing. So I am a little bit afraid of that. I am not doing anything wrong, but people always comment on everything so you have to always be careful Anita, Jacaltenango, June Anita describes a situation where participating in a local festival normally a ritual that relieves stress and bonds families becomes potential fodder for transnational gossip.
It is not the video itself that is to be feared, but the power of the video if it is seen out of context, with limited information, and in a situation of uncertainty. Considering that in couples with a migrant spouse there are large periods that elapse between direct personal encounters, these gaps are left blank and may be filled with thoughts of infidelity.
Jealousy and insecurity may provide a sort of filter through which video images are seen, and innocent activities may become serious relationship problems. Thus, Anita along with most of our respondents chooses to limit her participation and alter her behavior in a way that will leave no room for speculation. Because she cannot control the gossip or the way her behavior will be interpreted from a video recording, she alters that which she can control: Sometimes these worries are so great that women also avoid participating in the workforce.
Carmen had been working for several years, and after her husband left, rumors and gossip caused her to leave her job. Carmen describes her personal experience: My husband told me that some of his best friends said I was being unfaithful. Due to the type of job I had I mostly worked with men.
We would get together at five in the morning, travel to different places and spend the whole day working together. Simply because people saw me leave and come back with different men, people started saying I was being unfaithful to my husband. This created a lot of tensions in our relationship Carmen, Jacaltenango, June Carmen decided that the best thing for her relationship and her family was to leave her job and dedicate her full attention to her house and child.
Carmen's experience raises the larger question of the impact of migration on female participation in the community and in the work force: Do women resort to work for income? Are they participating in the community? Is the population's gender imbalance changing the socio-political arena? The women we interviewed shared similar views and experiences on the majority of these questions, and transnational gossip again played a significant role in their experiences.
As Maria Aysa and Douglas Massey explain, women usually work in the period immediately after their spouse has migrated until they have paid off the debt incurred in their travels. Among our respondents who reported they still had debts, they all either had or were looking for work in order to cover daily expenses. One of the women described the various jobs she had worked after her husband left: Some women work after their husbands leave because very little money is left after paying off debts.
The women also noted that it was important to them to have a job because they did not want to depend solely on the migrant's income. When asked what job she currently had, Carmen explained: Finding a job as an indigenous woman and mother is hard; having your husband abroad makes finding a job and keeping one even harder.
In my case, it is particularly hard to find a job because I am here without my husband and everybody is always criticizing what I do, and as result of so much social disapproval, I end up being rejected As we noted earlier, there is a general understanding that the Jacaltec mother should be taking care of her children, and therefore should not be working outside the home. In fact, our respondent's numerous responsibilities at home made it harder for them to have the time to look for work.
Two of the women we interviewed stopped working when their husbands migrated. They explained that soon after they stopped working they realized they needed the extra money and started looking for jobs, but had not been successful. One of them explained that she was now too busy around the house to go back to work. Our interviews also included questions about women's participation in their local and extended communities both before and after the family member migrated.
The questions sought to answer whether the socio-political arena in rural Guatemalan towns was being reconstituted with the emigration of so many men.
Generally, we found that women did tend to be more active in the community when their husbands left. The extent of their participation, however, was limited to religious groups and church meetings. For example, Anita explains that from the time her husband left she has been participating in church groups: I have been involved in the Consejo Pastoral ever since my husband left Sometimes I don't have anything else to do at home, so I like going there because I can listen to God's words.
I tell my husband about my experiences there, and he tells me that it is a good thing to go to church. That is how I am involved in my community Anita, Jacaltenango, June The women we interviewed felt that the religious groups helped them because they felt more in touch with God and their spirituality.
They also expressed that they felt the need to pray for their husbands' wellbeing as well as thank God for everything they have achieved so far, and the church provided them with a channel to do so.
While our respondents reported an increase in their religious participation once their spouses had left, most reported that their communal participation outside of religious networks had diminished. Anita explained that after her husband left she partook in fewer community proceedings and activities: But now I rarely find out what is going on. Like yesterday's talk [on immigrants in the U. I like to participate, but I rarely do" Anita, Jacaltenango, June In sum, we found that women in Jacaltenango whose husbands have migrated to the United States feel pressured to alter their behavior; participating less in community activities and avoiding situations or events that might lend themselves to transnational gossip.
Because of the stigma and the fear of gossip, women see their job prospects and social capital diminished. At the same time, however, our respondents suggested that participation in religious networks increases when their husbands migrate.
We return to these findings in the discussion and conclusion. Transnational Gossip, Isolation and Health Constant seclusion to avoid gossip combined with the effects of distance from their loved ones often results in health problems for the wives of migrants.
Several interviewees mentioned having health problems ever since their husbands migrated. Women said that their psychological ailments, such as depression, anxiety and sadness often led to physical illnesses. He has been over there [in the United States] for a while now, I am already sick I'm sick because of my loneliness There are things I would like to tell my husband, but it's not the same if we are far away.
It hurts so much because of my kids. He is so loving, I miss him You can see my sadness on my face; my skin started getting stained a little after he left. Nearly all of the women we interviewed in Jacaltenango are seeing doctors who often prescribe medication and sometimes recommended daily thirty-minute walks. Our interviews with local pharmacists revealed that many women with migrant spouses or migrant family members have been buying medicine for high blood pressure and anti-depressants to help their anxieties brought about by gossip, fear of gossip and the isolation that accompanies it.