Islander people. Further information for communicating in the clinical context can be found in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait · Islander Patient Care Guidelines. What to be aware of when working with / supervising Indigenous staff. . Communicating without Bias Guidelines .. The date marks the landing of the First. Australian Aboriginal peoples: Survey of the history, society, and culture of the see Researcher's Note: Britannica usage standards: Aboriginal peoples and Torres Other scholars question the earlier dating of human arrival in Australia, . Spirit beings were used as messengers to communicate with the living and to .
It is intended to reflect the differences in the way various cultures do things, see things and understand things in the world around us and to challenge individuals to see things and experience things in different ways. This activity is not intended to stereotype groups but rather to challenge individuals within groups to see things from a different perspective. Students should first consider how people from the other culture are different to them.
Ask members of one culture to describe the other. Rabbit and bilby cultures. Next, ask students to reflect upon how they felt interacting with the other culture.
How did they feel about visiting the other group? How did they feel when they were visited? Student responses can lead into a discussion of the following issues: Lastly, ask students to consider their judgements of members of the other cultural group. Allow each group to explain the actual rules of their culture. Ask students to consider whether they misjudged the other culture and whether they feel that they were fairly judged.
Point out to students that the prejudices they developed have arisen over just one or two classes. Ask them to contemplate how deeply entrenched such views might be if held for many years or centuries. Explain that cultural differences develop because different peoples have invented different ways of solving the problems presented to them by living.
You can draw on the experiences of students in this activity when examining historical interactions between Indigenous groups and European settlers when the First Fleet arrived in Australia. Download Student Activity Sheet H Card template Student Activity Sheet H Rabbit and bilby cultures Activity 2: Local knowledge Subtheme s: The European colonists brought with them many things, beliefs, practices and ways of thinking that fit better with the home they remembered than with the new environment in which they found themselves.
Indigenous ways of life, by comparison, were based on deep respect for the Australian climate and environment, and local knowledges passed down from generation to generation. The clip displays the differences in culture, principles of ownership and authority. Look at the contrast between where and how Dan lives compared to Waruwi. In order to arouse student interest in the sustainable patterns of land use that are practised by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, invite students to investigate Indigenous weather knowledges.
In recent years, scientists interested in long-term environmental change and weather patterns have turned to Indigenous weather knowledges to better understand the seasons and weather in Australia. Students can use the following websites to explore the reasons why scientists are investigating Indigenous meteorological views: Observing the Seasons' livingknowledge.
Ask students to record the names of the seasons in the Kakadu region, noting local indicators which signal the beginning of a season and when each season occurs.Ask us anything: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people
Students should consider the differences between European understanding of the seasons and that of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. They should also consider whether the seasonal cycle is described the same way by various Indigenous people from different language groups and in different locations.
Connect with local Indigenous families at your school or neighbouring schools, local groups and organisations from the region or surrounding areas. You could contact Indigenous Education Units and resources centres in your state or your nearest university's Indigenous unit. Ask students to consider whether the European settlers should have adopted Indigenous seasonal patterns in your local area.
Having more than one wife was usually a matter of personal inclination, but economic considerations were important; so were prestige and political advantage. Some women pressed their husbands to take an additional wife or wivessince this meant more food coming into the family circle and more help with child care. To terminate a marriage, a woman might try elopement. A man could bestow an unsatisfactory wife on someone else or divorce her. A formal declaration or some symbolic gesture on his part might be all that was necessary.
In broad terms, a husband had more rights over his wife than she had over him. But, taking into account the overall relations between men and women and their separate and complementary arenas of activity in marriage and in other aspects of social living, women in Aboriginal societies were not markedly oppressed. In some cases this was believed to occur through an action of a mythic being who might or might not be reincarnated in the child.
Even when Aboriginal people acknowledged a physical bond between parents and child, the most important issue for them was the spiritual heritage. Weaning occurred at about two or three years of age but occasionally not until five or six for a youngest child. Through observation of camp life and informal instruction, children built up knowledge of their social world, learning through participation while becoming familiar with the natural environment.
Children were also constantly having kin identified to them by their elders and receiving detailed instructions about correct kinship behaviours.
Small children often went food collecting with their mothers and other women. As girls grew older, they continued to do so, but boys were thrown more on their own resources.
Parents were, on the whole, very indulgent. Infanticideeven in arid areas, was much rarer than has been suggested by some researchers. For girls, the transition into adulthood, marriage, and full responsibility was a direct one. Even before pubertyhaving already become a knowledgeable and efficient food provider, a girl normally went to live with her husband and assumed the status of a married woman.
For a boy, on the other hand, his carefree life changed drastically with the advent of initiation. His formal instruction into adulthood began, and he was prepared for his entry into religious ritual.
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His future was henceforth in the hands of older men and ritual leaders who exercised authority in his community. But he was not among strangers; the relatives who played an active role in his initiation would also have significant roles in his adult life.
Generally, once he had reached puberty and facial hair had begun to show, he was ready for the initial rituals. Initiation in Aboriginal Australia was a symbolic reenactment of death in order to achieve new life as an adult. As a novice left his camp, the women would wail and other noises would be made, symbolizing the voice of a mythic being who was said to swallow the novice and later vomit him forth into a new life.
The initiation rites themselves were a focal point in discipline and training; they included songs and rituals having an educational purpose. All boys were initiated, and traditionally there were no exceptions. Circumcision was one of the most important rites over the greater part of Australia.
Subincision incisura of the urethra was especially significant in its association with secret-sacred ritual. Other rites included piercing of the nasal septum, tooth pulling in New South Wales this was central in initiationand the blood rite, which involved bloodletting from an arm vein or a penis incisura—the blood being used for anointing or sipping red ochre was used as a substitute for blood in some cases.
Hair removal, cicatrization scarringand playing with fire were also fairly widespread practices. All such rites were usually substantiated by mythology.
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For girls, puberty was marked by either total or partial seclusion and by food taboos also applied to male novices. Afterward they were decorated and ritually purified. Ritual defloration and hymen cutting were practiced in a few areas, but, in general, puberty among girls was not ritually celebrated. Boys, after circumcision, became increasingly involved in adult activities.
Although they were not free to marry immediately, even if they had reached puberty, they might do so after undergoing certain rites, such as subincision. By delaying the age of marriage for young men, sometimes until they were in their late 20s, and keeping the age of first marriage for girls as low as 12 or 13, the practice of polygyny was made more workable.
Initiation was a prelude to the religious activity in which all men participated. It meant, also, learning a wide range of things directly concerned with the practical aspects of social living.
Adulthood brought increased status but added responsibilities. A vast store of information had to be handed down from one generation to the next. Initiation served as a medium for this, providing a basis of knowledge upon which an adult could build.
For Aboriginal people, birth and death were an open-ended continuum: Life and death were not seen as being diametrically opposed.
The Dreaming provided a thread of life, even in physical death. Leadership and social control Aboriginal people had no chiefs or other centralized institutions of social or political control. In various measures, Aboriginal societies exhibited both hierarchical and egalitarian tendencies, but they were classless; an egalitarian ethos predominated, the subordinate status of women notwithstanding. Aboriginal warriorAboriginal warrior bearing traditional body paint and ritual scars, Western Australia, D Everywhere, age and sex were the major criteria in differentiating status and roles, and it was in the religious arena that the greatest differentiation occurred.
Both men and women acquired prestige through knowledge of ritual performance and expertise in directing or performing ritual. In Great Sandy Desert rituals, for example, leadership roles were situationally determined—that is, the personnel changed as the ritual being performed changed such that most senior men adopted such roles at some stage in the protracted ritual proceedings.
Although desert women were far less differentiatedthey did have a ritual status hierarchy. In religious affairs everywhere, women took orders from, rather than gave orders to, initiated men. Traditionally, most dissension arose over women, religious matters, and death. Some women fought with husbands, eloped, and engaged in unsanctioned extramarital liaisons. Such behaviour could mean serious fighting involving relatives of the parties concerned.
Infringement of sacred law was less direct in its social repercussions but was nevertheless regarded as the most serious of all. In many cases an ordinary or accidental death had wide ramifications, particularly if they were accompanied by accusations of sorcery. Wrongdoers were generally more afraid of secular sanctions or sorcery than they were of supernatural punishment, since the withdrawn creative beings did not punish individuals.
The rules were unwritten but known to all, and an array of sanctions, positive and negative, supported them. When action was called for against transgressors, role allocation depended on the kinship relationships involved. For example, elder brothers were often the major punishers of errant younger brothers but were also their nurturers and defenders in the case of an unwarranted attack.
The maintenance of law and order was quite narrowly localized. Authority was limited and qualified by kinship claims. Precedents were sought in order to guide or influence actions resulting from a breachand all societies followed approved procedures for maintaining the peace.
There were no judicial bodies as such, though on the lower Murray River a formal council, or tendi, of clan headmen and elders did arbitrate disagreements between adjacent groups. Generally, simple informal meetings of elders and men of importance dealt with grievances and other matters. There was also settlement by ordeal —the most outstanding example of this sort being the Makarrata magarada, or maneiag of Arnhem Land.
During a ritualized meeting, the accused ran the gauntlet of his accusers, who threw spears at him; a wounded thigh was taken as proof of guilt. Although it is inaccurate to speak of a gerontocracy in Aboriginal Australia, men of importance were easily distinguished. They were usually elders who had this status not necessarily because of their age or gray hair but because of their religious position and personal energy. Aboriginal people had to be intimately acquainted with all the country within their range of movement and possess detailed knowledge of the location, distribution, and characteristics of its water holes, fauna, flora, and climatic conditions.
Their ability to read the ground like a map greatly improved their efficiency as hunters. Knowledge of the topography and resources of huge areas of country was also gained through religion see belowwhich related closely to their economic life.
Aboriginal peoples believed that the Dreaming legacy gave them responsibility for and control over the fertility and reproduction of plants and animals and that it was therefore only through the use of ritual that resources were replenished and social life could continue. This heavy responsibility was claimed by senior males, though all adults shared in the maintenance of the land and its resources through ritual participation and obedience to the law.
Australian Aboriginal peoples | History, Facts, & Culture | cidadessustentaveis.info
Before Aboriginal life was transformed as a result of the European invasion, there were two basic patterns of movement. In fertile regions there were well-established camping areas, close to water and having important mythological associations, where people always camped at certain times of the year. Camps were bases from which people made forays into the surrounding bush for food, returning in the late afternoon or spending a few days away.
The second pattern involved a much larger territory in arid or desert areas across which Aboriginal peoples moved in small family groups from water hole to water hole along well-defined tracks. The whole camp moved and rarely established bases. Only in good seasons and at sizable permanent waters was it possible for a large number of people to remain for an extended period.
These two patterns were reflected in domestic arrangements. In the north, people made bark shelters and during the monsoonal rains used caves and stilted huts as protection against flooding, mosquitoes, and sand flies.
In the desert, windbreaks—bough shelters or saplings covered with brush or bark—were common. During fine weather, most Aboriginal people preferred to sleep in the open with a windbreak; when it was too cold, dogs helped to provide warmth.
Fires were kept burning, and, when moving from one place to another or even when hunting, people carried live fire sticks. Throughout Australia, Aboriginal people generally went naked.
Outside the arena of religion, material objects were minimal. A useful threefold classification for Aboriginal tools was proposed by the archaeologist Richard A.
Multipurpose toolssuch as the digging stick or spear, were lightweight and portable. Appliances, such as large base stones on which food or ochre was ground, were left at a site and used whenever groups were in the vicinity. Instant tools, such as stone pounders or the grass cushions used by women when carrying heavy loads or wooden dishes on their heads, were fashioned as needed from raw materials available close at hand.
Men carried spears and spear throwers and, in some areas, boomerangs. There were bark canoes and rafts and dugout log canoes, some with pandanus-mat sails. Their large, deep wooden dishes held seeds, vegetables, water—or even babies. In some areas painted bark baskets, plaited pandanus bags, and net bags served the same purposes. Rarer objects were the kangaroo-skin water bags of the arid central areas and the skull drinking vessels of the Coorong in South Australia.
Implements included a large selection of stone tools, wedges, bone needles, bobbins, and sharkskin files. Australian Aboriginal warriorAn Australian Aboriginal warrior preparing to throw a boomerang. Altman collection item no.